Saturday, 4 January 2020

The Truth about Netaji: A Conversation with Purabi Roy Published in Re-Markings Vol 18 No.2 September 2019


Re-Markings Vol 18 No 2 September 2019 pp. 9-20

The Truth About Netaji: A Conversation with Purabi Roy
Nibir K. Ghosh



Professor Purabi Roy, a veteran researcher and historian, taught at the Department of International Relations under Jadavpur University for more than two decades. A Ph.D. from the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Science, Moscow, she is an eminent scholar in Russian language and history. She has been visiting Professor at Moscow State University and St. Petersburg University, Russian Federation. She is acknowledged as one of the foremost Netaji Researchers.  As a research Professor of the Asiatic Society, she published volumes on Russo-Indian Relations XIX Century, Indo-Russian Relations XX Century Part-I and Part-II and Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose Commemoration Volume of Scottish Church College, Kolkata. She is the author of many articles on Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Her contribution as member in the Indian Council of Historical Research has been phenomenal. Prof. Roy happily acknowledges Netaji to be her guiding light, her only inspiration. She has a promise to keep — to gift the country an authentic Indian version of Netaji and the INA. In this conversation, Prof. Purabi Roy shares, uninhibitedly, her continued commitment and passion to unravel the truth about the legendary Icon of India’s Freedom: Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.

Ghosh: While congratulating you on the publication of your epoch-making book, The Search for Netaji: New Findings, I find it quite natural to ask about the factors that motivated you initially to undertake the challenging project of unravelling the mystery of Netaji’s disappearance?
Roy: Throughout the Soviet History, Soviet scholars were either ignorant or deliberately remained silent on Subhas Chandra Bose. Glasnost and Perestroika could melt the seventy-year-old iceberg of the Soviet archives which made accessible many documents and information related to Bose and Comintern like the reports on Bose from Soviet Tass agency, Second World War and Bose and many more besides the Soviet Foreign Intelligence along with the Soviet Military archives and other related interesting documents that have unfolded a new line of research.

Ghosh: How did Glasnost contribute?
Roy: It was only under the influence of Glasnost that we witnessed a shift in interest to unravel the obliterated truth, principally on the part of Soviet scholars. Soviet Indologists took it as a challenge to unravel the mystery of Netaji’s disappearance. Experts like T.F. Devyatkina in her article “Social and Political views of Subhas Chandra Bose” wrote, “There is reason to doubt the theory that he died in 1945.” This can be counted as the first post-Stalinist inquiry into Netaji’s life. A year later, in 1990, Soviet Land, the most widely circulated journal, published an article by an eminent Indologist A.V. Raikov, containing an exciting comment written by the then Editor L.V. Mitrokhin, popularly known as K.G.B. agent amongst the Delhi academic circles. Mitrokhin wrote, “Glasnost has erased much of USSR’s shame and helped restructure her relations with other countries. Scholars are trying to take a re-look at Subhas Chandra Bose.”

Ghosh: Were there other scholars too who followed this line of thought?
Roy: Yes. In 1992, the journal EKHO PLANETI published an article, “The Life and Death of Netaji Bose,” by A. Vinogradov that stated, “…the problem of Bose is extremely delicate and no less complicated than the Wallenberg case … truth must be told to the people.” Likewise, the famous historian, A Raikov, in his article, “The Secret of Subhas Chandra Bose’s Death,” mentioned that various reports and publications indicate that Bose was in Russia. When the author enquired about this from the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MID), the answer was in the negative. He proposed: “In our country besides MID there are many archives which may have the have the key to solve this puzzle.” When the academics seemed to be sceptical and the socio-political journalists were depending on hypothesis and inferences, the cloud of doubts gradually settled and started providing various primary sources of information and documents. Many materials were unravelled from different Russian archives. And that is how V. Turadzhev, the then Associate Editor of the journal, Asia and Africa Today, was able to access, in the former KGB and at present FSB archives, a few documents on Bose and original letters signed by Bose.

Ghosh: What was the outcome?
Roy: The Government of India as well as the Indian Diplomatic Mission in Moscow evidently became apprehensive about the consequences of the publication of the Russian article by Turadzhev and it was immediately brought to the notice of Mr. Ranen Sen, the then Ambassador of India in Moscow, who allegedly tried to use diplomatic pressure on the Institute of Oriental Studies to prevent it from bringing out the article. As known from reliable sources, there was pressure on Turadzhev to desist from such attempts in future. Turadzhev finally lost his job, his association with the Indian Embassy was waning but on the other side academics, socio-political analysts, journalists and others followed his footsteps to shed new light on Netaji’s disappearance and did end up giving solid leads that the KGB archives may yet have the truth within. So, with their encouragement, help and guidelines I got involved and started searching the truth.

Ghosh: Chinua Achebe, the African iconic writer, had once remarked, “Until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter.” Do you find this remark relevant?
Roy: Yes. Every account of history has to be clinical and unbiased. Every academic orthodoxy creates a counter-orthodoxy. Today we are looking for new interpretations which can help shed light on the mysteries of the past. If we consider a legitimate way to write history, studies based largely on official documents preserved in various archives of the world need to be addressed with much discretion.

Ghosh: What is your view of the neglect and indifference accorded to Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose by official/court historians?
Roy: Subhas Chandra Bose is a unique example in this context. His mysterious disappearance remains an enigma till today. What really happened to Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose? The belief established by Nehru to serve his personal gains along with his court historians who remained silent and ignorant, and with his followers of both Congress and their parasites including the Left, that he died in a plane crash on August 18, 1945, is no longer tenable, especially after cross-checking and scrutinising the details of various primary sources obtained from various archives of the world. Archives are the store-keeper of records. With the help of those records in most cases the researcher can establish the revised truth and it is the task of the revisionists to unearth and establish the new interpretation which can help and shed light on the mysteries of the past.

Ghosh: Has the Government attempt in recent years to declassify the files led to shedding some light on the mysteries of disappearance of Netaji?
Roy: One may argue that in recent years about 950 files on the INA have been de-classified by the Ministry of Defence (MOD), Government of India and are available at the National Archives of India, New Delhi. But, unfortunately, if anyone goes through the documents it becomes evident that they mainly reflect the questionable views of the British Intelligence records on Provisional Government of India and INA, which are eminently questionable.
Ghosh: What is your response to the findings of the Mukherjee Commission?

Roy: Justice Manoj Kumar Mukherjee Commission of Inquiry would have remained unchallenged if Lord Peter Archer, a Labour Party member of the British Parliament had not persisted in making the British Government de-classify a few office Records of MI-2 related to Subhas Chandra Bose, the Indian freedom struggle and the role of the Indian National Army, as well as Bose’s relations with the USSR and Germany, preserved at the Public Record Office in London, UK. In recent years there was a great demand for declassification of records and files on Subhas Chandra Bose. This became possible after the implementation of the Right to Information Act. Very recently many files on Netaji have been declassified especially those under the custody of Government of India and Government of West Bengal. These files will definitely be of great use for the researchers in order to fill in the missing links as well as any lacuna thereof or may have new information that requires to be corroborated. This is an endless process. A great many facts are yet to be unravelled as there are many original records that remain classified.

Ghosh: What aspects of Netaji’s life and work evinced your interest in the legend of India’s freedom?
Roy: Netaji has been an ardent patriot and a revolutionary leader ever born. His fearless courage, his reckless abandon, his suffering and sacrifice have become a part of the legendary story of India’s freedom. Mahatma Gandhi, assessing Netaji’s unique achievement, wrote, “The greatest lesson we can draw from Netaji’s life is the way in which he infused the spirit of unity amongst his men so that they could rise above all religious and provincial barriers and shed together their blood for the common cause of India’s freedom. His unique achievement will surely immortalise him in the pages of history. Everyone of Netaji’s followers who saw me on their return to India had said to me without exception that Netaji’s influence acted like a charm on them and they had acted under him with the single aim of achieving Indian freedom. The question of religious and provincial or any such difference had never cropped in their minds at all.… The greatest and the lasting act of Netaji was that he abolished all distinctions of caste and class. He was not a mere Bengali. He never thought himself to be a Caste Hindu. He was Indian first and last. What more, he fired all under him with the same zeal so that they forgot in his presence all distinctions and acted as one man.”

Ghosh: In the contemporary context, what lessons can we learn from Netaji’s spirit of unity?
Roy: The men and women of the INA who were eating their food in a common dining hall, prepared in a common kitchen, realised they were breaking the shackles of caste, untouchability, religious bigotry and other barriers. This exceptional unity was possible to achieve because the INA was engaged in a life and death struggle for freedom under the leadership of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. He was able to kindle in his army profound love and loyalty. This revolutionary spirit and thinking would have led the social revolution had the uncompromising struggle continued until India won her independence. I recall Tagore’s addressing him as ‘Desh Nayak’ and stating, “I feel that you have come with an errand to usher a new light of hope in your motherland.”

Ghosh: Your committed engagement to discovering the truth behind Netaji’s disappearance must have been fraught with numerous dangers, perhaps even a threat to your life. Could you kindly share some such experiences you may have undergone, here in India as well as elsewhere?
Roy: In a struggle for any noble cause one has to encounter unlimited, unwarranted hindrances with adverse criticisms; all these will come in your way but one has to learn how to forego. The critics’ guilt will revert with their own answers. Their realisation and awareness will come as a blessing. Life is a challenge, accept it. Life is a duty, one has to perform it without hesitation. One should have full knowledge and awareness to retaliate when and how. One thing I must admit that being a woman, living alone, if one has to combat too many adverse retaliations, it is unbelievable what I experienced.

Ghosh: Where did you draw inspiration from in your struggle against such adversities?
Roy: I was always inspired by Tagore’s line: “Bhalo mondo jahai aashuk/ Shotyer lau shohoje” (Good, bad whatever comes/ Accept truth with ease). And, finally, as is said in the Upanishad, charaiveti (move on) … life is a journey, complete it. I am optimistic that my unending suffering and untiring endeavour will help me in achieving the completion of my dream. Let the dark days remain dark.

Ghosh: What is your impression of the collection entitled Bose: Immortal Legend of India’s Freedom published as a special number by  Re-Markings?
Roy: Today, we are looking for a part of obliterated history that remained untouched for 75 years. The Re-Markings’ Special Number reveals a special new approach. The collection where memoirs and remini-scences, academic researches, episodes, events, experiences and many other interesting information about Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose is truly remarkable. The articles rightly depict Bose as an outstanding visionary, as an International leader and finally a legendary icon. The readers will enjoy the dimension of scholarly approach from various disciplines with clarity, novelty and authenticity. It is good to see the representation of the armed forces through the essay by Group Captain Jaipal Singh Chauhan but I wish there were also write-ups by people from the Indian army. The ICHR gives chance to academics as well as to the armed forces to contribute, exchange and share their thoughts and knowledge to enrich the untouched part of history. The number one enemy of the British, Subhas Chandra Bose, who shouldered  the responsibility of  Indian National Army and became the head of Arzi-Hukumate-Azad-Hind, has often been estimated by the British only as a “political leader of the movement” or “The exiled Bengali Nationalist” but never as an astute military personnel. Considering this aspect, a few more articles on Netaji and Indian National Army would have further enriched the scholarly collection.

Ghosh:  Could you share your views as Chief Guest at the ICHR National Seminar on “Subhas Chandra Bose: Life, Work and Legacy” organized by Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Agra in collaboration with Re-Markings?
Roy: I am glad Re-Markings collaborated with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University, Agra to organize with great success the National Seminar on “Bose: Life, Work and Legacy.” Thank you for the invitation. I was highly impressed. For the last twenty years I have been lecturing, presenting my findings in various academic institutions both in India and abroad. Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Agra and Re-Markings responded in a unique and different way as if you were with a family. Active participation of teachers from various faculties and departments and participation of research scholars and students added life and vigour to the deliberations. I appreciate the warmth shown to me by all including the non-teaching staff. It was very encouraging to note some kind of family bonding.

Ghosh: What was your impression about the academic presentations on Netaji?
Roy: Regarding the presentations, I found the panellists from various walks of life tried their best to give maximum inputs, which is really very new to me. Unfortunately, on account of some communication gap, I missed a few presentations of one particular session. On the whole the event was a grand success. I wish that in the near future you will organize on a greater scale such events on Netaji Bose involving many more panellists and scholars.

Ghosh: On the basis of the evidences you have offered in your book pertaining to Netaji’s presence in Russia after 18 August 1945, can you  surmise the role of the Russian government in keeping Bose’s presence in Russia a guarded secret?
Roy: A large number of Left-wing nationalists all over the world thought that the October Revolution heralded an era of unprecedented social and economic reconstruction. The progress and development of the October Revolution in Russia had a significant influence on the East. This was the time when India was a special problem for the consideration of the Communist International for carrying on intensive propaganda and organisational work in the subcontinent. In March 1922, just after the sitting of the Enlarged Executive Committee of the Communist International (ICCI), the Indian revolutionary Abani Mukherjee was requested by Brandler, the then member of the Presidium of Comintern and LOSOVSKY of the Profintern, to go to India and study the situation there personally.

Ghosh: What did Abani Mukherjee observe?
Roy: Abani Mukherjee came to India and met Chittaranjan Das in Calcutta and virtually spent eleven months there. C.R. Das requested his “young soldier” Subhas Bose to arrange a safe place for Abani Mukherjee to live in. The interaction between them during the time brought Subhas and Abani Mukherjee closer. After his return to the USSR, Abani Mukherjee stated in his report to Comrade Petrov, the Secretary of the Eastern Section, Comintern in Moscow: “The right-hand man of C.R. Das, Mr. S. Bose, being pro-Communist and a friend of ours, we have a good influence over the Swaraja Party.”

Ghosh: What impressions do you have about Subhas Chandra Bose during the period in question?
Roy: Throughout the 1920s, like a dedicated revolutionary Subhas Chandra Bose spent his time among the people, the youth, various social and political platforms and in prison.

Ghosh: Was Subhas Chandra Bose influenced by the October Revolution?
Roy: The October Revolution evidently had a strong impact on Bose. His writings and speech reveal that he had carefully studied the history of successful revolutions in the world. From the very beginning he valued the Soviet socialist ideas not as an ardent admirer but as a neutral observer because his approach was a combination of different ideologies. He wrote in 1925: “Last April while I was reading a Russian novel in the prison, I heard an echo of my ideas.” There were many occasions when Subhas Chandra Bose did not hesitate to share his thoughts on the Soviet experiment, but in his own way. In 1929 in his presidential address in Rangpur he was not hesitant to remark: “We must not forget the Russians, the main disciples of Karl Marx, have not blindly followed his ideas … finding it difficult to apply his theory, they have adopted a new economic policy (NEP) consistent with possession of private property and ownership of business factories.” For all these years Subhas Chandra Bose figured and occupied an important place in the various Soviet reports.

Ghosh: Can you please share your views about Subhas Chandra Bose’s great escape?
Roy: We gather from various Soviet reports that Bose tried to enter Soviet Union but couldn’t succeed. Bose explained to and asked Achar Singh Cheena, a famous revolutionary who was earlier in the Ghadar Party to approach Stalin for seeking armed help for India’s struggle against British Imperialism. Achar Singh Cheena was a well-known Communist leader from Punjab and in Soviet Union he was better known by the name Larkin. In order to receive help from USSR Bose tried various options to reach that country: one was via Japan and China, the other was to reach Afghanistan through the North East Frontier where he could establish contact with the Comintern. Bose’s first venture was ruled out. As a result, he had to choose the longest and most dangerous route via Afghanistan. The members of the Ghadar Party or the Kirti Communist group took advantage of this route and helped Subhas Bose in his great escape. So, finally, Bose’s great escape from strong British Surveillance was successful. With this background one does not need any other explanation why Netaji was seeking help from the Soviet Government and was able to send his letter with the request through Soviet Ambassador, Jacob Malik, in Tokyo.

Ghosh: On what basis can we presume about Subhas Bose’s intention to go to Russia in August 1945?
Roy: After the Second World war was over, in a line of action it was decided that the INA would also surrender and on August 16, 1945 Netaji expressed his desire by stating, “I wish to go to Russia.” One has good reason to speculate why it took almost eight years after independence for the Prime Minister to make his first voyage to the USSR and that too after the death of Generalissimo Stalin. Albeit Joseph Vissarionovich (Stalin) was discordant about Vijayalakshmi Pandit. In 1950 a delegation from CPI went to Moscow. Among the delegates were Ajay Ghosh, Rajeswar Rao, Basavapunnaia and S. Dange. S. Dange spoke about Subhas Chandra Bose as an ardent anti-Imperialist and a great patriot. When the CPI delegation visited Kremlin and met the leader and discussed about Bose, the Indian Prime Minister was busy establishing the fact with evidences that Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose died in an air crash in Formosa. What an irony!

Ghosh: Any comments on the attitude and approach of the CPI in relation to seek the return of Bose?
Roy: Stalin wanted to hand over Bose to the Indian Communists (CPI) but he could not succeed. From this one can well judge the role and attitude of CPI. Stalin died in 1953, Nehru visited the Soviet Union in 1955. Let me refer to one of the press releases of TASS (Soviet Information Service): “In the first years of India’s independence the Soviet leadership with Joseph Stalin at its head distrusted the Indian National bourgeois because of its allegedly conciliatory stand.”

Ghosh: You state in your findings, “One feels curious to know about the message which Nehru had conveyed through his secret letter delivered to Stalin by Sayadiyants.” Any guesses as to the content of the letter? Prime Minister Nehru may have had his own good reasons for feeling threatened by the prospects of Netaji’s return to India but what reason could Stalin have in being a part of the conspiracy?
Roy: The Soviet publicity agent V.G. Sayadiyants had regular contact with the members and activists of the Communist Party of India. By the end of August 1946 when Sayadiyants was leaving for Moscow, Jawaharlal Nehru came to Bombay to meet him and gave him a letter for Stalin requesting him to deliver the letter personally to Stalin. Sayadiyants on his way to Moscow via Teheran left a note of his political observation about India to Sadchkov, the then Soviet Ambassador to Iran.

Ghosh: Could you throw some light on the contents of the said note?
Roy: The reported note dated 1 September, 1946 was a brief survey of the political situation in India entitled Britain Capitulates where he made a detailed analytical study and suggested which party or organisation would be suitable and appropriate to take over the charge after India’s independence. The Congress, according to him, had the strongest mass base. The public in general worshipped Gandhi as a religious figure and had a near-fanatic love for him and faith in Nehru. The party had a very solid financial support from the big industrial houses such as the Tatas, Birlas, the Bajaj family and other capitalists. His next review was on the Communist Party of India. Comrade Somnath Lahiri, a member of the Central Committee, CPI, made a short trip to USSR from July 23 to August 3, 1946. Lahiri felt that both the Congress and the League had a defeatist attitude by joining hands with the British “Imperialists.” His third investigation report was about the Forward Bloc. He provided a long appreciative detailed account of the formation, developments and activities of the Forward Bloc.

Ghosh: You mean the Forward Bloc as a party?
Roy: According to Sayadiyants the Forward Bloc was not a party but a platform founded by Subhas Chandra Bose that attracted thousands and thousands of followers apart from the one hundred thousand registered members at that time.

Ghosh: What message was there in Nehru’s secret letter to Stalin?
Roy: Difficult to speculate. But what led the Soviet agent to indicate in his political note that the Forward Bloc could be considered as the only alternative organisation after India’s independence gives a clear indication that Subhas Chandra Bose could now shoulder the responsibility. Indirectly, he asserted the presence of Bose in Soviet Union. Of course, one can defy it.

Ghosh: Do you think the declassification of Netaji files in the present times could, in any way, reaffirm your own findings?
Roy: So far, the files are reaffirming in many cases whereas many are incomplete because of the absence of corroborative facts. Overall, they are very much indicative in every respect. During Justice Manoj Mukherjee Commission, Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the then Prime Minister, had released practically all the related files that were preserved in the Prime Minister’s office (PMO). A huge number of files from the PMO had arrived in Calcutta and for this the Mukherjee Commission had to open a Research Wing by appointing researchers who were legal experts. Unfortunately, those files were not de-classified by the then present Government. Therefore, the privileged deponents of Justice Mukherjee Commission were equipped with many valuable information which are yet to be brought before the public because the declassifications are with lacunae.

Ghosh: In the Foreword to The Search for Netaji, Sobhanlal Dutta Gupta states: “This is a very level scholarly work the main strength of which lies in its use of records and data, which have been neither used nor known previously. As a result, she has refrained from answering questions: about the whereabouts of Bose, when and under what circumstances Bose actually died, and other such oft repeated questions.” As a sequel to your work, would you like to answer some of these intriguing questions some day?

Roy: Prof. Sobhanlal Dutta Gupta is one of the compilers and Editors of the two-volume publication of Indo-Russian Relations 1917-1947, published by the Asiatic Society, Calcutta. As a Comintern specialist with this project he worked in the Comintern Archive, Moscow. I can understand that a Professor like him, who has gone through the pages of Comintern Archival documents and is such an eminent political thinker, he has every right to point out my inability to arrive at a conclusive answer. It would not be out of place to mention that the mystery of the Swedish Diplomat Raoul Wallenberg was unravelled after fifty-six years, despite much resistance from the Government of Russia, despite the fact that their assertion and their archives contained no relevant information. But it would be encouraging to note that, ultimately, Russia has admitted its responsibility. The same reaction on the Russian side prevails today while unravelling the mystery of Netaji. Enigma remains but let’s hope that the mystery will surely be unveiled very soon.

Ghosh: You have made persistent efforts to introduce the writings of Netaji in school curriculums in Bengal. Did you or do you encounter any road blocks in achieving your goal in this direction?

Ghosh: Thanks, so much for sharing with Re-Markings your precious time and insightful views.

Roy: It has been a pleasure talking to you.

·    Dr. Nibir K. Ghosh, former Head, Department of English Studies & Research, Agra College, Agra, is UGC Professor Emeritus. He has been a Senior Fulbright Fellow at the University of Washington, Seattle, USA during 2003-04. An eminent scholar and critic of American, British and Postcolonial literatures, he is Author/Editor of 14 widely acclaimed books and has published over 170 articles and scholarly essays on various political, socio-cultural and feminist issues in prestigious national and international journals.
Copyright © Nibir K. Ghosh 2019. 


For print copy of the issue contact ghoshnk@hotmail.com
Disclaimer: The views of Dr. Purabi Roy are exclusively her own.

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Thursday, 17 October 2019

Shahryar’s Spots of Time: Poetry and Poetics by Mohammad Asim Siddiqui - Post from Re-Markings (www.re-markings.com)



Mohammad Asim Siddiqui
Kunwar Akhlaq Mohammad Khan, better known by his nom de plume ‘Shahryar’, winner of India’s highest literary award Jnanpith in 2011, has written lyrics for a number of Hindi films. His lyrics ‘In aankhon ki masti ke mastane hazzaro hain’, ‘Dil cheez kya hain aap meri jaan lijiye’, immortalized by the voice of Asha Bhosle and ‘seenein mein jalan aankhon mei toofan sa kyon hai’, sung soulfully by Suresh Wadkar have made him too famous for most people to know that he is one of the most important Urdu poets of the Indian subcontinent after independence.  Beginning with Gaman (1978) Shahryar wrote lyrics for Umrao Jaan (1981), Faasle (1985), Anjuman (1986) and some incomplete ventures like Daman, Zooni and Noorjahan but rarely a thought is spared by a English reader to realize that he has six remark-ably well-received collections of poetry. Gulzar, one of our important contemporary poets who edited a book of Shahryar’s poetry, aptly places him very high in the canon of modern Urdu poetry: “Firaq, Faiz and Faraz were the great poets of great poetry; And there is Shahryar” (13).
All important Urdu critics who include Shamsur Rahman Faruqi, Gopi Chand Narang, Shameem Hanafi and others, have written critical essays on Shahryar, recognizing his worth and analyzing his ghazals and nazms. Prem Kumar, a Hindi critic, has published a very useful book of Shahryar’s interviews titled Baaton Mulaqaton Mein Shahryar (Vaani Prakashan, 2013). In this respect the editorial work of Sarvarul Huda, an emerging critic of Urdu literature, who has put together in one voluminous book all important criticism on Shahryar, reviews on his work and his interviews, with a long and insightful introduction cannot be praised enough. For English readers Rakhshanda Jalil’s literary biography of the poet, Shahryar: A Life in Poetry (HarperCollins, 2018) neatly does the job of introducing to the English reader the poet’s life and the context of his poetry, apart from offering a translation of some of his selected nazms and ghazals. Jalil’s translation of Shahryar’s nazms Through the Closed Doorway: A Collection of Nazms by Shahryar (Rupa, 2004) was also remarkable for trying to capture for English readers the rhythm of Shahryar’s nazms. English translations of selected poems of Shahryar have also been done competently by  Baidar Bakht and Marie-Anne Erki which appeared as Selected Poetry of Shahryar (Sahitya Akademi, 2010). Mention must also be made of the work of Rekhta Foundation which has put on its immensely useful website the poetry of Shahryar in Roman script. And not to forget the eminently useful practice in recent years which has seen to it that works of Urdu are available in Devnagri too, a point especially important here because all his life Shahryar maintained very cordial relations with Hindi poets, writers, critics and colleagues.

Shahryar’s first collection of poetry Ism-e-Azam, which metaphorically can be translated as the Holy Grail of Islam, came out in 1965. Dedicated to Khalilur Rahman Azmi, an important Urdu poet and critic and Shahryar’s mentor, the collection was well received and established Shahryar’s reputation as a breathtakingly new voice in Urdu poetry. He was especially welcomed as a poet of jadidiyat which in English can be loosely translated as modernism. His second collection of poetry Saatvan Dar, appeared in 1969 and the third collection Hijr ke Mausam in 1978. His fourth collection Khwab ka Dar Band Hai which bagged the award of UP Urdu academy and also that of Sahitya Akademi in 1987 appeared in 1985. His fifth collection Neend ki Kirche came out in 1995 and Shaam Hone Wali Hai, his last, in 2004. He continued writing poetry after these publications though his production became slow in his later years.
There were competing poetics of the progressives and the modernists when Shahryar appeared on the literary scene in the 1960s. He did admit that he must have been influenced by both. As a matter of fact both the traditional and the experimental aspect of the modern coexist in his poetry increasing the appeal of his poetry. He read all classical poets like Mir, Ghalib and Atish avidly. Among the progressives he particularly liked Faiz Ahmad Faiz. The modernists he took fancy to included N.M. Rashid, Miraji, Akhtarul Iman, Munibur Rahman and Munir Niazi. He agreed with Khalilur Rahman Azmi in his belief that art should be the primary concern of the artist. He did not agree with the idea of writing poetry to a purpose, an idea held by the progressive school, because it could compromise style.

Of all forms of Urdu poetry, ghazal has evoked a very intense discussion. How should it be composed? Should it have an inner continuity or a unity of mood and tone or each couplet of a ghazal can go in different directions, are questions which have been discussed routinely in Urdu criticism. Shahryar also has clear opinions about the form of ghazal. He notes that in the classical tradition even contradictory thoughts could be seen in a ghazal. But after Altaf Husain Hali’s intervention more and more poets, particularly contemporary poets, started avoiding contradictory thoughts in a ghazal. He agrees in principle with the idea that each couplet of a ghazal is independent and complete but he was aware of the trend, followed in his time, where contradictory thoughts in a ghazal were avoided by his contem-poraries.

Shahryar considered it a good change in the form of ghazal. He explained that in earlier poetry style was everything and there was no interest in thought or idea. A good idiom or a good use of zeugma (our Dictionary defines it as a poetic device “that uses one word to refer to two or more different things, in more than one day”) could get a poet praise. Not anymore. Now it is seen if the experience, which includes style, has any newness or novelty.  For Shahryar a sense of wonder is a must for poetry. He further stresses that style cannot be separated from thought. Without style, one cannot imagine an experience. Referring to oft-quoted body and soul dichotomy, Shahryar said that he cannot imagine a soul without its body.

Rakhshanda Jalil discusses Halqa-e Arbaab-Zauq (The Circle of the Men of Good Taste), a literary school which opposed the poetics of Progressive Writers’ Movement and insisted on exploring the inner world and themes like “alienation of the self, the ennui and angst of modernism” to place Shahryar in a larger perspective. Miraji, an important new voice in poetry, was the intellectual force behind this group. Starting with Miraji, new nazm in Urdu has been used both by Shahryar and poets coming after him. The new nazm, which includes many experiments in prose nazms such as nasri nazams (prose nazms) and azaad nazms (free nazms), has invited a lot of discussion. Shahryar did not shy away from writing prose nazms either. However, he aptly remarks Urdu readers’ poetic sensibility is in tune with ghazals and they do not derive as much pleasure from nazms as from ghazals. One reason for this is that a nazm consists of not one or two but many poetic units. Unlike a ghazal, a nazm has a unity of tone and subject and requires multiple readings for its proper comprehension.

There is a richness and plentifulness of emotions in his poetry. Often one can find different shades of an emotion, an emotion and its contrary emotion, but all true to experience. It is because of this richness of emotions and experiences and the variety of themes in his poetry that a lot of his couplets in ghazals and many nazms stand independently and are quoted in different contexts.  A lot of his poems are about dreams about which so much has been written that the first thing that comes to his reader’s mind is that he is a poet of dreams. Night and time are other dominant motifs in his poetry. But his poetry also explores the pangs of loneliness, virtue of solitude, the playful and serious aspect of lover-beloved relationship, lack in our life expressed philosophically, the beauty and pain of fleeting emotions and sensa-tions and the serious environmental concerns. It is not only dreams but also water, sea, river, and sand images that abound in his poetry. Most importantly he is a poet of city life who advocates rationalism, time-tested human values, composite culture of India and usually shuns religious imagery in his poetry. Like many modernist poets self is also a major subject in his poetry and a lot of his poems explore the injury caused to self in his urban setup.

Shahryar is never loud in his poetry. He is more a master of under-statement than raising a slogan. The tone in his poetry is always gentle. In his poetry one feels as if the poet is talking to himself. His addressee in his poetry is a very interesting non-presence.

For constraints of space, it is not possible to talk about all these themes and motifs in his poetry. However, his poems, both nazms and ghazals, devoted to the treatment of time, can give us some idea about the nature of his poetry.
His famous nazm “Vaqt” (Time-IA) personifies time, talks about its characteristics while at the same time announcing that it is not like human beings. Human beings may look back but not time which has an irrevocable march. Human beings have feelings and sentiments but time has no such feelings. Time, as the poet suggests, is not human and human beings should not have any illusions about it:
Naqsh hain hum pairon ke us ke
Jab hi peeche chod gaya hai
Apni raah chala jaata hai
Hum aur tum ahsaas ke putle
Soch rahe hain
Shayad dekhe mud ke idhar bhi
Hum sadah nadaan nahin hain
Voh koi insaan nahin hai

(We are the mark of his steps/ So it has left us behind/ It goes its own way/ We and you dummy of feelings/ Thinking/ Perhaps it will turn back to see this side too/ We are not naïve/ It is not a human being).1

In another nazm “Zindagi jo aane wali Hai” (Life that is about to Come-IA) the poet views time transcending all limits going beyond its flow from beginning to eternity. Using imperative voice in the poem, which assumes an addressee, though the poem is more in the nature of a discourse, the poem uses a number of metaphors to suggest the idea of sadness, quietness, loss and timelessness:
Azal aur abad ki hadon se bahut door
Khamoshiyon ke
Samundar ke afsurdah saahil se
Takraate sahra mein dekho
(Much beyond the limits of eternity and the beginning/ From sad shores of sea/ of silences/ See in the colliding desert).

The contrasting images of “sad shores of the sea,” which contrast with deserts, also picture the vastness and variety in the world. The poem builds its argument and atmosphere through many unusual collo-cations, which rely on the poetic device of personification, drawn from the world of nature. The note of sadness in the poem is evoked when the poet says that the prophets of sounds have disappeared in the “deluge of wandering winds (bhatakti havao ke sailab mei).” “The desolate eyes of an awake shadow (kisi jagte saye ki sooni ankhon mei)” contain the sobbing support of days gone by. In the hope of the music of the smouldering and mysterious breaths somebody is still asking a stone-hearted idol its whereabouts in the light of a sinking outline.

The division of time in different units like days, nights, hours and minutes, manifests itself in different ways in Shahryar’s poetry. The passing of time is also identified with a sense of futility in his nazm “Ek Do Jaam” (One or Two Goblets-IA). The speaker in this poem feels a philosophical void and he tries to escape into drinking to give time a slip. But time has a sense of inevitability and shows a cruel indiffe-rence to others’ moods. For the lonely souls night is an even more cruel dimension of time. The speaker in this poem notices the futility of the passing of time:
Raat ke baad subah ayegi
Subah ke baad dopahar aur sham
Aur phir raat
Ek bhayanak raat
Ek do jam aur aaj ki sham
(After night will come morning/ After morning, noon and evening/ And again night/ A dreadful night/ A goblet or two for today’s evening).
The use of the word ‘bhayanak’, an unpleasant and scary adjective before the night, and his decision to drown the evening in drinking shows his dread of night which is associated with loneliness and a sense of psychological torture in the poem.
The meaningless passing of time is also the dominant idea in his nazm “Ek Aur Maut” (Another Death-IA). This poem begins with mentioning the passing of day and evening and the coming of night. The poet also invokes the scientific idea of the revolution of earth on its axis:
Kat gaya din, dhali sham, shab aa gayee
Phir zameen apne mahvar se hatne lagi
(The day passed, evening left, came night/ Again the earth started moving from its axis).

Time and its division in day and night is also the subject of “Raat Din aur Phir Raat” (SD). In this modernist poem the poet traces the journey of day from the dawn to the onset of night. The poet identifies day with both the temporal and spiritual plane of activities:
Raat ki zad se bhagta hua din
Pahle thahra ghane darakhto par
Phir lagayee zameen par is ne jist
(The day running away from the reach of night/ First paused on thick trees/ Then it staged a leap on the land).

The day enters both mosques and temples; it reaches lanes and bylanes of the city. It not only finds entry in open houses but also means of transport like buses. The day can also touch small objects like files in tall buildings and it can also register its presence in coffee houses and mills with smoke chimneys. The day, seen in opposition to night, is a welcome entity, whereas the night appears to be a scary possibility. The day is also vulnerable before the night as it has to escape the “reach of the night.” The journey of the day ends in some violence:
Phir kisi sakht shai se takraya
Aur phir raat, har taraf hi raat

(Then it rammed into a hard object/ And again night, night every-where).
The nazm titled “Besabaat Taghiuur” (Dying Change-SD) measures time in terms of its duration to sustain and tolerate pain which follows an endless cycle:
Lakeerei, dayere, dhabbe, naqooshpa
Meri ankho ke darvazon se
Meri jism ke andar utar jatei hain
Khoon ban kar rago mei raqs karte hain
(Lines, circles, stains, footmarks/ Enter the inside of my body/ From the doors of my eyes/ Turning into blood, dance into the veins).

The visualization of pain in its various shapes such as lines, circles, stains and footmarks concretises the experiential aspect of pain. It sometimes troubles the speaker momentarily, sometimes for the duration of night and sometimes some days. But then the pain disappears through his tears which have a therapeutic role in his recovery from pain. The pain disappears only to give way to more pain in an endless cycle of pain. The tears which fall on the ground and which provide him a relief from pain acquire the shape of those lines, circles, stains and marks of pain which entered his whole being in the first place. The vision in this poem is very close to the Buddhist concept of the ubiquity and permanence of dukha in human life. The poem suggests that pain, sadness, and sense of hurt are integral part of human life. The whole idea in the poem along with the reference to shapes of pain at the beginning and end of the poem impart the poem a certain round structure. The exterior and interior dimension of pain and its endless cycle are beautifully brought out in the poem.

Time is also the subject of his nazm “Vaqt ke Sahra Mein” (In the Desert of Time-IA) but it is not necessarily the night but time as a whole which the poet identifies with life in general. Desert in the title suggests not only the idea of vastness but also that of loneliness. For the poet there are some inescapable facts of life like desire, loneliness and problems in relationships. Using the imperative voice and exploit-ting the power of verbs, the speaker asks his addressee to continue burning his body under sun during day, to continue colliding with the hard rocks of distances in relations and continue igniting the fire of desires in his heart. The sense of futility and hopelessness is carried forward in the last line when the poet asks his addressee to continue stumbling like this in the desert of time:
Waqt ke sahra mein yunhi thokrein khate raho
(Continue to stumble like this in the desert of time).
This endless cycle of slow pain, constant efforts, hopeless desires and continuous blows appears to be the routine for lonely souls. They should feel this sense of futility and torture endlessly. They should feel the effect of time like this in their life.

Time is also an important concern in Shahryar’s ghazals. One impor-tant aspect of modernity is our attitude to time. The measurement of time and time’s conversion into money, labour and wages causes a sense of anxiety about its passing:
Ajeeb cheez hai ye vaqt jis ko kahte hain
Ki aane paata nahin aur beet jaata hai—IA
(Strange thing is this what is called time/ It hardly comes then it elapses).

There is a race against time for everyone in urban life. Everyone is in competition with everyone to race ahead. But the speaker of Shahryar’s ghazal refuses to join this rat race. At such moments the speaker is confident that he will reach his destination before everyone at his own pace:
Chaahe jitna tez chalo mujh se tum mere humsafro
Pahunch na paoge tum lekin mujh se pahle manzil par—IA
(However fast you walk than me my friends/ You will not reach the destination before me).

Time is such an oppressive force that even for writing about time one needs some allowance from time. Time is often measured in its experiential aspect. It is not the calculation of time in terms of its units, but the memory of time in terms of moments of happiness and unhappiness that is the concern of the poet. The poet will write about his difficult times when he gets time:
Fursat vaqt ne dee to hum bhi likhenge is ki rudaad
Kaise toofanon se nikle, pahunche kaise saahil par—IA
(We will also write its account if time permits/ How we escaped storms, reached the shore).

An important aspect of time is to take proper decisions at the proper time. Sometimes these decisions can be life-saving. The speaker in the following couplet issues a timely warning to his listeners to save themselves from waters which are life-threatening:
In paanion se koi salamat nahin gaya
Hai vaqt ab bhi kishtian le jayo mod ke—HKM
(None escaped safe from these waters/ There is still time, take away boats by taking a turn).

The two key images in this couplet are waters and boats which apparently form a close metonymic relationship. But the water image is more complex. It could be waters in the sea but it could also be tears of an insincere lover which will indicate a different line of interpretation for this couplet. If water is taken to mean tears, boats will indicate the figurative meaning of a firm decision to turn back.
An important aspect of time that is gone is the memory of that time. Memories can be an escape for a person but they can also sustain troubled souls. For Shahryar his memories are very comforting:
Ab jee ke bahalne ki hai ek yehi soorat
Beeti hui kuchch batein hum yaad karein phir se—KKDBH
(Now there is only one way to comfort the heart/ We should remember some past conversations again).

Shahryar is an optimist. His poetry also celebrates virtues of rationalism and man’s progress in the world. Time can throw such surprises that its revolution can make our world better than moon. Traditionally moon is a symbol of beauty. Calling earth better than moon reveals a vision which is happy with all the progress made by the world:
Gardish-vaqt ka kitna bada ehsaan hai ki aaj
Ye zameen chaand se behtar nazar aati hai hamein—IA
(How big is the favour of the revolution of time today/ This earth looks better than moon to us).
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. All translations in English from Urdu, unless otherwise stated, are mine.
Gulzar, “Shahryar Suno!” in 44 Jananpith Award, Sunday 18 September 2011. Gulzar’s short essay is taken by the magazine from his edited book in Hindi Shahryar Suno: Chuninda Nazmein aur Ghazlein. New Delhi: Bhartiya Jnanpith, 2011. Print.
Huda, Sarwarul. ed. Shahryar. New Delhi: Maktaba Jamia, 2010. Print.
Shahryar’s opinions on the Urdu poetics cited in the texts are taken from his interview recorded at Shamsur Rahman Faruqi’s home in Allahabad on 31 August 1996. The interviewers were Asim Shahnawaz Shibli, Ahmad Mahfooz, Asrar Gandhi and Shamsur Rahman Faruqi. The transcript of the interview is included in Sarwarul Huda’s edited volume of Shahryar criticism.
Jalil, Rakhshanda. Shahryar: A Life in Poetry. Noida: HarperCollins, 2018. Print.
Shahryar, Sooraj ko Nikalta Dekhu (Let Me See Sun Rising): Kulliyaat Shahryar, ed. Sarwarul Huda. (Aligarh: Educational Book House, 2013). This complete anthology contains all six collections of Shahryar’s poetry. The text of the paper uses abbreviated forms of the titles of his individual collections.
·        Dr. Mohammad Asim Siddiqui is a Professor of English at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. His articles have appeared in The Guardian, Asiatic, Social Scientist, Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences (IIAS), Third Frame: Literature, Culture and Society (Cambridge University Press), The Aligarh Journal of English Studies and Re-Markings. He writes regular columns on arts and culture in The Hindu, NDTV.com, Rediff.com, and News Central 24x7. His articles have also appeared in Frontline, India Today, Hindustan Times, The Statesman, The Indian Express and The Pioneer. He was a Fulbright fellow at New York University, USA in 2007. Presently, he is the Managing Editor of the project of the Urdu translation of Complete Works of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (CWBA), a project of Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India. His long monograph on Shahryar is due for publication by Sahitya Akademi.
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Published in Re-Markings celebratory 40th Issue Vol 18 No.2 September 2019.
Copyright: Nibir K. Ghosh 2019.